BRC LogoBRC Header
HomeBRCAbout BRCBRCProjectsBRCDocumentsBRCSwedish ExchangeBRCStaffBRCFAQ and linksBRCContributeBRCContact us
Spacer


Background

What is restitution?
Restitution is one of government’s land reform programmes. It applies to people who were dispossessed of land rights in terms of racially-based law or practice after 1913, without receiving just and equitable compensation. The programme provides various forms of redress (restoration of land rights, acquisition of alternative land, developmental assistance and financial compensation) to valid and verified claimants. In order to access the programme, victims of such dispossession were required to lodge claims before 31 December 1998.

By the cut-off date, approximately 70 000 claims were lodged. Since 1995, government has set about processing these claims and attempting to settle valid claims. By mid-2004 approximately 50 000 claims had been resolved. President Mbeki has set a target date for the finalisation of the restitution process. He has urged the Department of Land Affairs to complete the task by the end of 2005.

What was betterment?
Betterment planning was implemented in the former homelands and other so-called black areas from the 1930s onwards, in an attempt to regulate these areas and control land usage.  Under betterment, designated areas were divided into distinct land use zones  -  for residential, arable and grazing usage -  and all people were forced to moved into the demarcated residential zones.  Furthermore, people were also dispossessed of arable and grazing land through the process of betterment.  As Govan Mbeki wrote in the early 1960s:
Those who were being pushed off the land were bitterly resentful.  They forfeited the right to graze stock and had to abandon the one form of security to which they clung  - the occupation of an arable plot with the right to share the common pasturage. (The Peasants' Revolt, p95)

The most authoritative text on forced removals in South Africa is the Surplus People Project volumes that were published in 1983.  According to these volumes "betterment has forcibly removed more people in more places with greater social consequences and provoking more resistance than any other category of forced removal in South Africa" (Vol 2, p110).   The specific number of people removed under betterment has not been quantified, but it is clear that it affected more than 1 300 000 South Africans (Vol 1, p5). This is a minimum figure, and a conservative one at that  - betterment could have removed up to 2 500 000 South Africans.  Not only are the figures very high, it is also important to stress that betterment impacted exclusively on the most impoverished rural areas.  In other words, betterment resulted in the removal of more people than any other type of apartheid dispossession, and those removed under betterment were the rural poor.

Nyaniso Gxekwa, aged 65, from Tyutyuza, could be speaking for the whole of Ciskei and Transkei when he says:

When the Trust came, our lives changed completely. We were living happily before betterment. There was good neighbourliness and mutual support. We helped each other with ploughing, planting and working the land. When the Trust came, we started to experience death, because things that people had worked hard for, were taken from them. People resented that, and as a result, they died. There was hunger because we were forced to use poor, small land and our stock were culled. We are no longer united; now we fight with each other.  

Why is the campaign necessary?
The land policy of the democratic government is spelt out in the DLA's 1997 White Paper on Land Reform.  One of the most fundamental weaknesses of the policy was that it did not address the injustice nor legacy of betterment.  Crucially, the White Paper argued that victims of betterment removals did not have valid restitution claims.  Instead it proposed that
"The claims of those dispos­sessed under 'betterment' poli­cies, which involved forced re­moval and loss of land rights for millions of inhabitants of the for­mer Bantustans, should be ad­dressed through tenure security programmes, land administration reform and land redistribution support programmes."

The Eastern Cape Land Claims Commission acted on the basis of government policy in general and its prejudicial treatment of victims of betterment dispossession specifically. Consequently, it arrived at a firm view that the Restitution of Land Rights Act only applied to former ‘white’ South Africa and not in the former homeland areas. This was communicated clearly to all Eastern Cape NGOs at a meeting arranged by the commission in November 1996. The following is extracted from the minutes of this meeting, which were prepared and distributed by the commission itself.
“the Restitution Act cannot be used in dealing with cases in the homelands. The Act addresses itself to laws that were designed to put people in the homelands, and not about when they were there.”

Therefore, communities in the former homeland areas were overlooked and discarded during the lodgement phase of the restitution process. More specifically, they were ignored during the information dissemination campaigns (eg ‘Stake Your Claim’) undertaken during the period. 

Not only did the commission proactively dissuade NGOs from facilitating the lodgement of betterment claims, it was also very quick to reject some of the very few claims that were lodged (well before the cut-off date of 31 December 1998). For example, the Eastern Cape Land Claims Commission rejected the claim of the Keiskammahoek Freeholder Association for the dispossession of rights to various commonages as a result of the implementation of betterment. This also had the effect of suppressing the lodgement of claims for dispossession effected through betterment.

Government’s policy approach towards betterment dispossession amounted to 'second-class' treatment of betterment claimants, for a number of reasons, the most important of which are:

  • It denied that rural people in the former homelands held and were dispossessed of land rights in terms of racially-discriminatory law and practice
  • Consequently, it denied these people their right to restitution
  • It redirected their claims to programmes that do not offer comparable benefits to restitution and that are hamstrung by conceptual and operational difficulties.

Thus it was necessary to devise and implement an advocacy strategy aimed at ensuring that victims of betterment dispossession are treated fairly and not denied their constitutional right to restitution.

One of the leaders of the campaign in Middledrift, Jongile Kosi from Lower Regu, explains it this like this:The campaign has broadened our scope of knowledge. Sometimes one is aware of a problem but unable to devise an effective way to resolve it. The campaign has provided the way. Forward!

How much progress has been made toward reversing the prejudicial policy of government?

The advocacy strategy aimed at re-claiming the constitution right to restitution for victims of betterment dispossession has been implemented since 1998. Over the past six years, various significant milestones have been reached. Some of these are as follows: The claim of the village of Cata in the Keiskammahoek District was the first betterment case to be settled under the restitution programme. The settlement agreement was signed on 7 October 2000. The value of the settlement was approximately R12m. Half of this money was set aside for development, and is administered by Amatole District Municipality for this purpose. (See the Cata story below)

In mid-2000 government revised its policy position toward ‘betterment and restitution’. The key new policy recommendations that were adopted read as follows: “That government changes its policy approach to betterment removals by acknowledging that some of these claims may satisfy the criteria of the restitution act. That a standard approach to the resolution of these claims be adopted. Key features of the approach should include:

  • Standard investigation questions, that is to quantify individual’s loss to residential and arable land and to quantify group loss to commonage land.
  • Usage of average loss and standard settlement offer wherever applicable for each claimant family within the claimant community.
  • That a standard approach to restitution awards applies to betterment claims, thus promoting development in the communities.”

The Cata precedent, together with the new policy approach, were used to settle all lodged Keiskammahoek claims (in villages under communal tenure). This was achieved on 16 June 2002, with the signing of agreements for Upper Ngqumeya, Gwili-Gwili, Mtwaku, Ngobozana, Ndlovini, Gxulu (Upper and Lower) and Mnyameni (Upper and Lower). The value of the settlement was approximately R107m. Half of this money was set aside for development.

The progress outlined above has positive consequences for those communities that were dispossessed through betterment, which did lodge claims before the end of 1998. However, because of government prejudice at the time, very few managed to lodge timeously.  It is clear that less than 10% of betterment claims were lodged before 31 December 1998. Hence the final phase of the advocacy strategy aims to press for a re-opening of the lodgement window for victims of betterment dispossession, so that betterment communities have a fair chance to lodge their claims (Vulamasango Singene).

Why is the campaign important?

The homeland areas of the Eastern Cape are characterised by extreme poverty. The Eastern Cape is the poorest province in the country and the homelands are the poorest parts of the province. Over 70% of people living in these areas are poor. Unfortunately, the trend of worsening poverty was not halted, nevermind reversed after 1994. Instead the situation has deteriorated further. Clearly, the efforts that government has made to address the problem have been inadequate. Supplementary programmes and strategies are urgently required.

A government task team recently estimated that the value of land rights dispossessed through the implementation of betterment in the former homelands of Ciskei and Transkei was R12,8 billion. Above it was noted that government’s revised policy on betterment claims states that a standard approach to restitution awards, one that promotes development should be applied to them. It is therefore abundantly clear that a re-opening of lodgement for these claimants would enable to beginning of a development process in the former homelands that would play a major role in poverty eradication and economic development.

As Macule Vitsha, a 77 year old suvivor of betterment for Debe Marela puts it:
This campaign has united us in action and given us the opportunity to know each other, beyond the boundaries of our small villages. I view this campaign as something that will enable us to speak with one voice, and express our developmental needs collectively, as we strive towards eradicating poverty from our communities.

What is the Cata Story?

The purpose of this case study is to demonstrate that developmental restitution can play a key role in eradicating poverty and boosting local economic development.

In 2000 Cata was typical of any village situated in the former homelands of the Eastern Cape. Most people living there were poor; income levels were very low and there were virtually no jobs. Furthermore, the people lacked skills, having been subjected to sub-standard education. Generally speaking, the people received poor service delivery and were marginalised by inadequate infrastructure such as roads.   

The Cata Settlement Agreement was signed on 7 October 2000. In terms of the agreement, the monetary value of land rights dispossessed through the implementation of betterment was placed at almost R31 000 per household.

It was agreed that half of this money would be set aside for local development. The Amatole District Municipality (ADM) was tasked to administer the development process. ADM first commissioned a situation analysis, so that the planning could be undertaken in an informed way.

The planning process afforded the people of Cata, at village level, an opportunity to identify and prioritise their needs and decide how to address these priorities, in the knowledge that resources were secured for this purpose. In other words, decisions about the Cata development plan were not taken in Pretoria, in Bisho, or in East London; they were taken in Cata. And therefore, appropriate decisions were taken.  The plan that emerged through the process demonstrates a number of significant strengths. It was adopted by the community in mid-2003.

The plan amounts to a practical example of an integrated development plan for a rural locality. Significantly, the plan integrates infrastructure upgrading with economic development, with the explicit objective of eradicating poverty from Cata. For example, at a broad level, because of the importance of transportation networks to forestry, agriculture and tourism (which are the key sectors of planned economic growth), the upgrading of the road from Keiskammahoek to Cata is a priority infrastructure project. The plan also achieves integration at the more micro level. For example, the multi-purpose community hall will house a community museum, which is an integral component of the proposed heritage tourism project. 

The plan is comprehensive in both its coverage and detail. More specifically, the plan integrates five central development clusters. These are infrastructure, local economic development, forestry, agriculture, and planning, tenure and institutional arrangements.  Specific projects are identified and outlined for each of these clusters. 

One of the advantages of adopting an integrated approach to local development planning is that there is considerable potential for brokering in resources from different sources. The Cata community has already managed to broker resources from the following institutions, amongst others: the University of Fort Hare, DFID, the Provincial Department of Education and ADM. The reason that success was achieved in this regard is that the community was able to use its own contribution to the process (accessed through the restitution award) as a bargaining tool in its interactions with outside institutions.

After mid-2003, implementation of the plan commenced in all earnestness. The multi-purpose community hall has been built, as have three new classrooms at the primary school. Most of the already existing buildings at the school were upgraded. The headmaster of the primary school Bethwell Gcilitshana is pleased with the progress:
Restitution has definitely raised the standard of living here. We’ve got a R1,2 million community hall now, new classrooms – the most beautiful in the region – and many other improvements on their way. 

Since the headmaster spoke these words, emphasis has been placed on initiatives that generate income and resources for the local people. For example, a team of twenty local workers transformed a 75 hectare wattle jungle into a commercially-managed, locally-owned plantation, over twenty five households have bolstered their homestead agricultural production through the channelling and storage of run-off rain water, a farmers association has been set up to make use of repaired flood irrigation infrastructure, a local company is being set up to establish a 400ha pine plantation, and various tourism ventures have been conceptualised and will shortly be launched. All these processes are managed by a local Communal Property Association. Membership of this association is open to all residents of Cata, over eighteen years of age. It is still early days, but one thing is already clear: there is now substantial hope for the people of Cata.

 

 

 

 

Greater Good SA